| ABSTRACT
The full extent of employee expectations in
an employment relationship is often fraught
with situationally dependent ambiguity and unspoken
gender-specific expectations. Since the 1960’s,
several theorists have sought to explain employee
behavior in context of the perceived exchange
relationship between employer and employee.
While a substantial body of research explores
the construction and consequences of the psychological
contract in the civilian context, little research
has been conducted to explore the effects of
the psychological contract in the military environment;
especially as it relates to the development
of post-traumatic stress disorder. This paper
examines the influence of schemas, mental models,
and psychological contracts resulting from past
experiences in the deployment outcome of three
female soldiers. The paper makes recommendations
for future research and proposes as methodology
for exploring the influence of psychological
contracts in resilience, self-remediation, and
deployment outcome of other female soldiers.
Schemas, Mental Models, and Psychological
Contracts in Female Soldiers in Iraq
Ending her shift on a mountaintop near midnight
in northern Iraq, Sergeant Kayla Williams (2005)
doesn’t feel tired. So, she decides to
visit her friend, Matt, in the COLT Signals
Intelligence (SIGINT) Operations Center where
he works. The center is typically dark as she
enters, so Williams moves closer to see the
person on watch to whom she would be speaking.
Usually two or more operators are on duty at
all times. This time, however, only one person
is present, and it is not Matt. Noting how odd
this is, she questions the person on watch regarding
Matt’s whereabouts. He responds that he
had not awakened Matt for his shift. Feeling
awkward, Williams engages in small talk as she
prepares to leave. As her eyes become accustomed
to the dim lighting, Williams is surprised to
see the male soldier’s pants are open
and he is apparently in the process of masturbating.
As Williams turns to leave, she feels a hand
on her wrist. The soldier begins to pull her
hand towards his penis. Williams pulls hard
to release his grip while uttering that she
is not interested, but the soldier is far stronger
than she is. She begins consciously reviewing
her courses of action. A thought goes through
her mind that she never previously thought possible;
she had been provided a weapon to protect herself
from the enemy, but now she might have to use
it against one of her own to protect herself.
She could also awaken Matt and others by screaming,
but then she would appear weak and unable to
handle situation herself. Suddenly, she reflects
back to being sexually assaulted at the age
of 13. She begins to think how much more intelligent,
stronger, and able to resist now than she was
then. As she continues to physically resist,
Williams (2005) argues, “Think of your
girlfriend … Shouldn’t you be thinking
of her.” However, he argues in return,
“No one has to know.” As Williams
resists with all her might, the soldier inexplicably
releases his grip. Williams quickly retreats
to her vehicle and leaves.
The remainder of that night, Williams anguishes
in her bunk over what to do. In her mind, female
soldiers are viewed as either sluts or bitches
by their male counterparts, referring to those
who voluntarily engage in sex with the male
soldiers and those who do not. If she reports
the incident for formal investigation, she knows
she will be viewed as a traitor to those with
whom she works and upon whom she depends for
survival. If she doesn’t report the incident,
the perpetrator will be free to commit similar
acts on other females who are not as old and
not as experienced she was. As morning dawns,
Williams speaks about the incident with her
Staff Sergeant. Fearing the repercussions of
a formal investigation, Williams agrees to an
administrative handling of the incident. A few
days later, the perpetrator is transferred.
Unfortunately, the traumatic repercussions do
not end with his transfer.
Nearly a month later, Williams is on watch
as another male soldier begins speaking with
her about the incident. However, in his version,
Williams was not the victim, but instead she
was the instigator. The soldier suggests all
of the other soldiers with whom she worked believe
the story as related by the perpetrator is true.
Williams’ life began to spiral out of
control. Wrought with anxiety, depression, and
a feeling of betrayal, Williams survives day-by-day,
and moment-by-moment. She withdraws socially
from the others in her unit except Matt. He
is the only other person she feels as though
she can rely upon for support. However, Matt
too begins to be psychologically affected by
all of the experiences around him. Many of the
other men in her unit begin to make rape jokes
when Williams is present. In retrospect, Williams
(2005, p. 214) thought to herself, “[T]he
guys I considered my friends were treating me
like a girl. I was a piece of ass, a bitch or
a slut or whatever, but never really a person.”
Depressed and despondent, Williams even contemplates
suicide to end the pain. The weight she was
barely able to maintain on her petite frame
begins to melt away. Despite the weight loss,
however, she does not feel hungry. Fortunately,
her unit is relocated to a larger area soon
afterwards, and she is able to reunite with
her friend Zoe. This move, arguably, saves Williams’
life. On February 8, 2004, Williams returns
safely home from Iraq, but the term, safely,
is relative.
Far too often, the phrase, “returned safely
home,” refers to safety in a physical
context. However, safety should reflect the
holistic biological, psychological, and sociological
(biopsychosocial) wellbeing, especially when
that wellbeing is disrupted by feelings of betrayal
and perceived violations of one’s psychological
contract in a stressful life-threatening environment.
It is argued that it is in such situations mutuality
matters most. For Williams’s, any perception
of mutuality was lost in this environment. Increased
research of predeployment psychological contracts,
schemas, and mental models of both genders needs
to be conducted to better care for the holistic
wellbeing of deployed forces.
Post-deployment research and empirical data
largely reflects the narrow position that post-deployment
post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in combat
is exclusively the result of traumatic experiences
and operational stress resulting from actions
of the adversary. However, additional research
should be performed regarding PTSD resulting
from own-force violations of psychological contracts
and betrayal trauma, especially among female
service members.
This article will discuss the foundations
of the schemas, mental models, and psychological
contracts and will explore violations of psychological
contracts of through the lenses of three female
soldiers deployed to similar environments.
Discussion
Recent studies (Heck, Schweitzer & Seidel-Wiesel,
2004; Hall & Salmon, 2002; Hattie, Myers
& Sweeney, 2004; Nabkasorn, Miyai, Sootmongkol,
Junprasert, Yamamoto & Miyashita, 2006)
provide empirical evidence of the systematic
relationship between a person’s biological,
psychological, and sociological (biopsychosocial)
self and his or her holistic wellbeing. Additionally,
research (Tansey, Mizelle, Ferrin, Tschopp,
Frain, 2004) supports the relationship between
the biopsychosocial system and a person’s
perception, cognition, and behavior. Harkening
back to Darwinian Theory members of all species
are innately predisposed towards behavior that
ensures survival of self. Assuming an evolutionist
lens, then, the human mind is innately predisposed
to formulate propositions that would enable
survival of self.
People are also seen as being resilient and
innately predisposed to develop adaptive solutions
to overcome traumatic or stressful experiences.
However, the biological and psychological resources
necessary for resilience are not infinite. Thus,
biopsychosocial resources must be identified,
prioritized, and optimized, which often results
in stress as the person struggles with benefits
and consequences of his or her choices and the
limitations of resources. Stress disrupts to
the body’s normal equilibrium. Within
the context of the present discussion, research
(Tansey, Mizelle, Ferrin, Tschopp, Frain, 2004)
finds not all stress is undesirable. For example,
the biopsychosocial benefit of short-term stress
is seen to enable task accomplishment. However,
long-term stress potentially causes lasting
detrimental biopsychosocial consequences. A
substantial body of empirical data (Freeman,
2002; Padgett & Glaser, 2003; Kunz-Ebrecht,
Kirschbaum & Steptoe, 2004) supports the
harmful biopsychosocial effects of prolonged
long-term stress. Empirical data finds overproduction
of cortisol, triggered by stress response, can
lead to sub-clinical inflammation, adrenal burnout,
memory loss, and premature aging. It is suggested,
then, as a strategy for self-survival, a person
will subconsciously adjust the component parts
of his or her biopsychosocial self in a life-sustaining
effort to find an equilibrium to reduce harmful
long-term stress. The following section will
correlate this assertion to the major theories
of human development.
Maslow’s Hierarchy
of Needs
Maslow (1968) postulates a pyramid of six
deficiency needs followed by two growth
needs. In progression to the pinnacle of
self-transcendence (spiritual needs),
an individual must achieve and maintain satisfaction
of each of the underlying six deficiency needs
– physiological, safety, belongingness,
esteem, cognitive, and aesthetic –
and the growth need of self-actualization
(in Pervin, Cervone, & John, 2005). Satisfaction
of these levels is not, however, static. Rather,
satisfaction is dynamic and relative to the
perceived relationship of the individual to
his or her current environment. In other words,
attainment of a level of needs is not inextricably
assured; changes in an individual’s life
or environmental circumstances may cause stagnation
or regression, resulting in the need to reacquire
any of the six phases. In fact, a person might
ascend and descend the hierarchy of needs several
times in his or her lifetime. This foundational
thought is crucial to understanding deployment
to a combat environment. As the traumatic stress
intensifies, the level at which a person operates
regresses until it reaches a previously acquired
level of perceived safety. While Wahba and Bridwell
(1976) found little evidence to support Maslow’s
assertions for the existence or ranking of needs,
other researchers (Nohria, Lawrence, & Wilson,
2001) find the hierarchical theory pivital to
understanding human development.
Piaget’s Theory
Piaget (1983; Beilin, 1992) conceptualizes
a person’s understanding of reality in
relationship to specific chronological stages
in his of her life. Specifically, Piaget postulates
during the first two years of life, the person
is engaged in the sensorimotor stage.
During the sensorimotor stage, the infant experiences
sub-stages: development of reflexes (birth to
6 weeks), development of habits (6 weeks - 4
months), coordination between vision and prehension
(i.e., taking control, grasping, or seizing)
(four - nine months), development of logic and
the coordination between means and ends (9 –
12 months), discovery of new means to meet goals
(12 – 18 months), and the beginnings of
insight, or true creativity (18 months –
2 years).
Following the sesorimotor stage, the child
enters into the preoperational stage
(2 – 7 years), in which he or she learns
symbolic functioning, centration, intuitive
thought, egocentrism, categorization or serialization,
classification, and the inablility to conserve.
From seven to eleven years of age a person undergoes
the concrete operational stage in which he or
she learns the use of logic. During the concrete
operational stage, the person learns to
view reality from another person’s perspective.
From 11 years of age through adulthood, the
person experiences the formal operational stage
in which he or she develops his or her ability
to think abstractly and make conclusions from
the available information. Piaget himself, however,
found assignment of stages to age to be relative
and subject to individual experiences.
Erikson’s Theory
Erikson (1950, 1964, 1968, 1974), alternatively,
postulates human development in eight distinct
stages which might be succinctly conceptualized
as the oral-sensory, muscular-anal, locomotor,
latency, adolescence, young adulthood, middle
adulthood, and maturity stages, in which
one learns hope, will, purpose, competence,
fidelity, love, caring, and wisdom respectively.
Interestingly, Erikson postulates the outcome
of each discrete stage is based on outcome of
internal conflict. Thus, the Erikson Theory
relates favorably to the development of personality
traits and locus of control based on life experiences.
During the oral-sensory stage (birth-1 year
of age) a person learns trust versus mistrust.
During the muscular-anal stage (1-3 years),
a person learns autonomy versus
self-doubt. In the locomotor stage (3-6
years), a person learns independence
and initiative versus inadequacy.
During the latency stage (6-12 years), a person
learns industry versus inferiority.
During adolescence (12-18 years), a person learns
identity versus confusion and learns
the importance of peer relationships. In young
adulthood (18-40), people grow through love
relationships learning intimacy versus
isolation. Unfortunately, this is also
the chronological timeframe in which many service
members currently experience the trauma and
stress associated with combat. The relationships
he or she experiences are pivotal to life-long
perception, thoughts, feelings, emotions, and
behavior in social and intimate relationships.
During middle adulthood (40-65 years), a person
struggles with generativity versus
stagnation. Finally, from 65 years
until his or her death (maturity) a person struggles
with integrity versus despair;
reflecting on earlier experiences and behavior.
Theoretical Analysis
While the included theories are fundamental
to the understanding of basic psychology and
human development, each of the theories has
acquired both proponents and opponents. Largely,
opponents argue human development cannot be
conceptualized into contrite age-related categories.
Taken as a whole, however, the theories provide
important points of intersection, such as the
relevance of both nature and nurture, the foundational
importance of family relationships in early
development, the diminishing importance of family
and increasing significance of peer relationships
in developmental evolution, the progression
from family to peer relationships in the development
of trust, and the perceived importance of the
psychological contract in human development.
As envisioned by Maslow, ascendancy of the pyramid
of human needs is not inextricably assured;
rather a person might ascend and descend the
pyramid several times during his or her lifetime.
Additionally, PTSD researchers and clinicians
(van der Kolk, McFarlane, & Weisaeth, 1996;
Scaer, 2005) argue traumatic experience and
prolonged stress might result in developmental
stagnation or regression toward an earlier attained
stage of relative safety. In conceptualization
then, trauma is reflective of a person’s
individualized beliefs and perception of reality,
or psychological contract, with important others.
Given that people are innately driven to survival,
he or she develops coping strategies, or schemas,
to ensure survival. Unfortunately, because of
limited competence, learning, or experience,
however, some schemas might later prove to be
maladaptive and, as such, require subsequent
modification.
Schema Theory
Some theorists (in Pinker, 2002) suggest the
human mind is born as a blank slate,
devoid of any preconceived abstractions of reality
or strategies for survival. Other theorists
(in Pinker, 2002) suggest people are born with
an embryonic conceptualization of his or her
environment and primitive strategies for survival
derived from biology or perhaps evolution. Regardless,
as a person evolves from his or her natal state,
he or she develops preconceived models and strategies
for interacting with his or her environment.
Researchers and clinicians (Public Health
Service, n.d.) have repeatedly found response
to new experiences, rather than resulting from
a myriad of disparate biologically-, psychologically-,
and sociologically-grounded responses, is instead
a systematic biopsychosocial response derived
from a highly complex, individually derived
algorithm of the myriad of factors, such as
self-esteem and optimism, reflecting the person’s
perception of self in relationship to his or
her environment and his or her ability to influence
that relationship. The ability to influence
his or her situation might be based upon analysis,
experiences, beliefs, or faith. Recently, a
large-scale cross-sectional survey (Curlin,
Sellergren, Lantos, & Chin, 2007) of 2,000
practitioners, for example, reaffirmed the asserted
importance of religiosity and spirituality in
patient’s holistic biopsychosocial wellbeing.
Seventy-six percent of the respondents indicated
that he or she believed a patient’s religiosity
or spirituality helped him or her cope with
often life-threatening illness and, in some
cases, influence the physical outcome.
Schema Development
Unfortunately, reanalysis of all of the diverse
factors required to analyze, understand, and
respond each time new experiences are encountered
would be, at best, time-consuming. Additionally,
finite perceptual, cognitive, and responsive
capacities argue for the need for preconceived
or pre-established analytical models and strategies
to reduce systematic demands each time a similar
experience is encountered. Consequently, theorists
(Young, 1990, 1999; Young, Klosko, & Weishaar,
2003) postulate people rely upon a system of
mental models and associated schemas to view,
analyze, and respond to his or her environment.
Schemas then are the underlying connections
by which new experiences and information are
contrasted with a person’s prior knowledge
to create a new understanding of reality (McCarthy,
1991; McCarthy & Carter, 1994). Without
proper schemas, a person cannot extract meaning
from new experiences. Initially rudimentary,
embryonic schemas in infants accommodate the
first of Maslow’s levels of needs –
physiological needs. However, as the infant
evolves and begins to acquire new data from
experience, the schematic architecture increases
in both height and breadth to enable a person
to function with a greater degree of automaticity.
The Schematic Architecture
Generalizability is found in the vertical
dimension, in which a person increases his or
her global perspective based upon the perceived
relationship between new experiences. However,
as new information is obtained through education
and experience relevant to specific experiences,
the schematic architecture increases in breadth.
In either case, creation of new schemas is not
static. While durable and relatively resilient
once formed (Young, 1991, 1994), schemas are
subject to modification, or even deletion based
upon new information and need.
Rather than entering the schematic architecture
at a specifically applicable schema, new information
is seen to enter the architecture in a top-down
approach; descending from the global level until
level suitable schema for contrast and response
is found. Note, schemas employed in exigent
or stressful circumstances are not necessarily
the best schema for the task, but rather the
first suitable schema that will potentially
result in favorable outcome (Young, 1991, 1994).
Based upon outcome of the selected schema(s),
the schematic architecture might then undergo
the processes of accretation, tuning, or
restructuring. Accretation occurs when
new information is assimilated without altering
the overall schematic architecture. Schemas
inadequate to suitably accommodate the new information
are modified in a process of tuning. Restructuring
occurs when schemas are found to be wholly unsuitable
or major inconsistencies exist between existing
schemas and the new information.
The Mental Model
The mental model is a learned process
composed of schemata derived from biopsychosocial
and environmental stimuli that traverse well
beyond schema theory to include perceptions
of task demands and task performances. Right
or wrong, once recalled, the mental model helps
to identify which information is most important
for the task, what can be ignored or discarded,
and how to interpret that information. Most
importantly, theorists and researchers (Young,
1990, 1999; Young, Klosko, & Weishaar, 2003)
argue a mental model does not need to be in
the conscious mind to influence subsequent cognition
and behavior. In some instances, recall may
be subconscious and applied to a situation without
conscious awareness of it.
Psychological Contracts
Generally, a contract is a legally enforceable
promise-based mutual exchange between two or
more parties (Cornell Law School, n.d.). Over
the past two decades, however, researchers (Robinson
& Rousseau, 1994; Robinson & Morrison,
1995, 2000; Herriott, Manning, & Kidd, 1997;
Rousseau & Tijoriwala, 1999; Rousseau, 2001)
have studied the effects of the psychological
contract on worker perception, cognition, and
behavior. Originally conceptualized in 1960
(Argyris, 1960), researchers such as Rousseau
(1989, 1995, 1996a, 1996b, 2001; Robinson, Kratz,
& Rousseau, 1992) suggest a psychological
contract is comprised of subjective beliefs
a person holds regarding the exchange agreement
between himself or herself and the organization
(Rousseau, 1989). Realizing that all aspects
could not possibly be accounted for in the formal
expressed contract, the psychological contract
is, then, a subjective conceptualization of
the unexpressed obligations of the organization
and what he or she owes in return. Because psychological
contracts involve subjective employee beliefs
of the reciprocal obligations between themselves
and their employers, Rousseau (1995) suggests
they can be viewed as foundational to the functionality
of the exchange relationship. Rousseau and other
researchers have then explored the effect violation
of a psychological contract has on employee
wellbeing (Robinson, Kratz, & Rousseau,
1994). Understanding how military indoctrination
and post-enlistment socialization shape formulation
and maintenance of the psychological contracts
of military members, especially as related to
gender, age, and sociocultural affiliation,
is relatively embryonic. However, it is suggested
greater understanding can be achieved by analyzing
contemporary research of schemas, promises,
and perceptual accuracy in interpersonal interactions.
Thomas and Anderson (1998), for example, studied
the concept of psychological contracts among
British Army recruits. One of the few studies
of the effect of psychological contract in the
military context, Thomas and Anderson (1998)
found recruits formed increased expectations
of job security, social and leisure time, effect
on the family and accommodation within eight
weeks of entry into the military; the converse
of similar studies of employees in a civilian
environment. However, with longevity, the recruits
aligned more closely with reality.
Factors Potentially
Influencing Psychological Contracts
Gender
Perceived roles are pivotal to how people
view other people (Kidder & Parks, 2001).
Roles also create expectations of expected behaviors,
especially with regards to gender roles. However,
multiple roles often result in dissonance in
self-assessment and assessment of others. In
the present discussion, roles of interest include
gender roles versus professional roles;
specifically the convergence and divergence
of the two roles in female versus male soldiers
deployed in Iraq.
Gender roles reflect sociocultural expectations
of appropriate gender-related behavior. As a
general rule, people are expected to behave
in accordance with societal expectations (Brehm,
Kassin, & Fein, 2005). Deviation might be
expected to result in negative outcome (Kidder
& Parks, 2001). Gender roles might also
be greatly influenced by perception by the person
of in-group or out-group affiliation, affected
by, or resulting from, perceived psychological
contract breaches or violations.
While gender and professional roles often
provide divergent expectations, they might also
provide points of intersection where gender
roles overflow into unspecified breadth of the
psychological contract of both the employer
and employee regarding the scope of professional
duties. Socially correct or not, sterotyping
continues to pervade the professional environment
(Kidder & Parks, 2001). Males and females
continue to predominantly categorize professions
according to gender roles (Kidder & Parks;
Bielby & Baron, 1986). When an occupation,
such as the military, continues to be predominantly
occupied by one gender or the other, gender
becomes relevant; resulting in stereotypical
representation and polarization. Empirical data
(Kidder & Parks, 2001) suggests people conceptualize
general beliefs of themselves, often referred
to as self-schemas (Markus, 1977). These abstractions
then influence his or her perception of others
and relevance to his or her environment. Individuals
with greater gender-related self-schema are
predisposed to negatively view gender-inconcruent
behavior. This assertion is grounded in the
social learning theory, which argues
incursion by the non-traditional gender disrupts
the status quo. Thus, because of the
threat to uniquely male identity, male soldiers
are likely to be biased against female soldiers
in the traditionally male combat environment
(Williams & Relly, 1998). This phenomenon
is not, however, uniquely male. Studies (in
Kidder & Parks, 2005) have noted negative
perceptions by both male and female persons
towards females endeavoring to perform traditionally
masculine duties.
Empirical data (Seymour & Buscherhof,
1991; Kidder & Parks, 2001) also finds females
are perceived as possessing greater altruism
than males. This assertion is supported by a
wide body of research (Anderson, 1993; Belansky
& Bogianno, 1994; Eagly & Wood, 1991).
Thus, combat-related duties would appear counterintuitive.
Whereas females are stereotypically associated
with nurturing and helping behaviors, males
are associated with behaviors associated with
professions of greater physicality and risk.
Kidder and Parks (2001) also suggest, whereas
females demonstrate greater externalization
and are not adverse to requesting assistance
from males and perhaps, to a lesser extent,
other females, males are conditioned to internalize
concerns and emotions and oppose requesting
assistance from females. This conditioning might
prove problematic in an exigent or operationally
stressful combat environment.
Socioculturalism
Perhaps the perceived empirical ambiguity
and disparity results from the contrite biological
definition of gender, rather than a more holistic
biopsychosocial model of gender definition suggested
by Gilbert (1992). Thus, rather than a question
of whether biological gender, in itself, influences
psychological contract, then, perhaps the salient
questions might be, (a) To what degree does
the sociocultural society in which the person
was raised value relationships?, and; (b) What
are the socioculturally assigned roles of males
and females? Chubb, Fertman, and Ross (1997)
questioned the influence on adolescent females'
sense of self or feelings of a society that
values empowerment of society values autonomy
and separation versus one that values relationships.
The researchers found the two important psychological
constructs that influence many aspects of the
adolescent's life, including perception, cognition,
and behavior, are self-esteem and locus
of control.
Self-esteem
Harter (1990, p. 225) suggests self-esteem
reflects the degree to which a person “likes,
accepts, and respects himself [or herself] as
a person.” Rosenberg (1985) offers that
a person with low self-esteem tend to experience
lower life satisfaction and greater external
locus of control, anxiety, resentment, irritability,
loneliness and depression. Conversely, high
self-esteem is associated with increased internal
locus of control, professional success, and
higher income (Griffore, Kallen, Popovich, &
Powell, 1990). Thus, the person with low self-esteem
would perceive greater control by others and
less power and authority from himself or herself.
Conversely, a person with high self-esteem would
perceive greater control, power, and authority
in relationship to his or her environment.
Locus of control
One of the most widely researched variables
in recent cognitive and behavioral research
has been locus of control -- the generalized
internal and external expectancy of reinforcement
(Strickland, 1989). Internal locus of control
refers to the expectation that reinforcement
is the result of one's own effort, ability,
characteristics, or behavior. Alternatively,
external locus of control is the expectation
that reinforcement results from chance, fate,
luck, serendipity or other persons.
While some studies (Cairns, McWhirter, Duffy
& Barry, 1990) suggest females have greater
external locus of control than males, other
studies (Adame, Johnson & Cole, 1989; Dellas
& Jernigan, 1987) have not noted significant
differences. A study by Chubb, Fertman, and
Ross (1997), which sought to explore gender
differences in these constructs during high
school, for example, did not find a significant
difference in locus of control between males
and females. These findings support the findings
of other researchers (Adame et al., 1989; Archer
& Waterman, 1988; Dellas & Jernigan,
1987). Thus, additional research is warranted.
In a study by Pilisuk, Montgomery, Parks,
and Acredolo (1993), the researchers found a
supportive network and a sense of control tends
to build confidence in one's capacity to cope
both with external stressors and with illness.
The relationship was found to be stronger in
males than females. Thus, empirical data regarding
the influence of gender on empowerment and locus
of control, from which psychological contracts
are constructed, is indeterminate.
Violation of psychological
contracts
Similar to other forms of schemas, a psychological
contract is relatively sacrosanct once established
(Rousseau, 2001). As such, it is considered
both stable and durable. Psychological contract
violation occurs when an employee perceives
that the organization has failed to fulfill
one or more of subjective obligations included
in the psychological contract (Rousseau &
Parks, 1993). Within the military context, violation
of the psychological or social contract results
in distrust in leadership and the absence of
a feeling of group belonging, which are, in
turn, associated with psychological distress
in combat environments (Steiner & Neuman,
1978). Intrinsic to the violation of a psychological
contract in the military context is the perception
of locus of control and, therefore,
perceived influence, power, and authority
the organization and its leadership holds over
the individual. Within the military context,
these terms are often used without explicit
specificity of meaning. For the purposes of
this article, power is defined as the potential
influence the military and the individual’s
chain of command have over a military member’s
attitudes and behavior, and the influence the
military member has on the attitudes and behavior
of others.
Case Study
Researchers exploring psychological contracts
focus greatly on the influence of past perceptions
(Robinson & Morrison, 2000) in formulation
of psychological contracts and expectations
for future experiences. The following cases
will examine this assertion in relationship
to the outcomes of three female soldiers deployed
to similar environments.
Kayla Williams
Born in 1976 to an authoritarian mother from
an affluent family lineage and an often angry
father who she suggests resented her birth,
Kayla Williams (2005) asserts the only person
she could rely upon during her adolescence was
herself. Only one-year of age, Kayla’s
parents separated and eventually divorced. During
early childhood, Kayla’s mother ensured
she attended the finest schools. However, by
age nine, financial setbacks began to drastically
alter her circumstances. Three years later,
feeling like an outcast in public school because
of her advanced education, Kayla began wearing
combat boots and associating with “high
school punks and dropouts.” Williams (2005)
suggests association with this group gave her
an identity. At 13, Kayla ran away from home,
finding herself on the streets with a 15-year-old
paranoid runaway with a Mohawk.
Finally landing in a house with neo-Nazi’s,
she was found to have a picture of a Black friend.
With fear of bodily harm (Williams, 2005), Kayla
returned to her mother’s house. A short
time later, however, Kayla’s mother forced
her to leave after finding evidence she was
using drugs. Kayla returned to Kentucky to live
with her father. Afraid he too would make her
leave, Kayla began to conform to rules, graduated
high school, and enrolled in college. Overwhelmed,
however, Kayla dropped out of college in her
first year.
Working as a secretary, Kayla began feeling
rejected by her heroin-using friends. Kayla
relates in her book (Williams, 2005) about sexism,
discrimination, and domestic violence even among
her punk friends. However, she did not succumb
to peer pressure. Rather, Kayla relied upon
self-sufficiency, internal locus of control,
and high conscientiousness personality facets.
Determined to rise above adversity, Kayla enrolled
Bowling Green State University at age 20, from
which she graduated cum laude. At 22,
the self-reliant Kayla was employed by a public
television cooperative and owned her own house.
Feeling the need for personal growth, however,
Kayla joined the Army in 2000.
Because of Kayla’s demonstrated aptitude
for foreign languages, she was sent to the Defense
Language Institute in 2000 for an intense indoctrination
in the Arabic language, graduating in February
2002. In February 2003, Kayla’s unit was
deployed to Iraq as a forward-deployed signals
intelligence (SIGINT) specialist. Throughout
her book (Williams, 2005), Kayla describes the
trauma and stress associated with deployment
in remote Iraq. She describes in graphic detail
the cognitive dissonance associated with balancing
the need to perform military duties and the
difficulties associated with being a female
in a male-dominant environment under the extremes
of risk, operational stress, and tedium -- an
environment in which females are often viewed
as a highly desirable commodity in an environment
of male machismo. Williams (2005) embodies the
female desire to assimilate into the group seen
as fundamental to personal survival. She elucidates
well an environment in which male and female
hormones surge under operational stress in a
constrained environment. Kayla also conceptualizes
the psychological contract under which male
and female soldiers operate in country
– very different from the preconceived
psychological contract. Williams’ (2005)
book also well elucidates the evolution of her
psychological contract throughout her deployment.
In the final chapter of her book, Williams (2005,
p.279) recalled, “In Iraq, I figured out
there was no option for me to do anything but
push myself…and keep pushing.” On
February 8, 2004, Williams returned from deployment,
converting her journal into an award-winning
book about being a female in Iraq, Love
my rifle more than you (Williams, 2005).
Alyssa Peterson
On Sept. 15, 2003, Army Specialist Alyssa
Peterson, 27, an Arabic-speaking Human Intelligence
(HUMINT) Collector and devout Mormon, committed
suicide at Tal-Afar in northwest Iraq near the
Syrian border after objecting to interrogation
techniques used on prisoners and refusing to
go to work for 2 days. Coworkers offer that
she vehemently objected to the aggressive interrogation
practices used -- practices quite different
from those she had learned at Fort Huachuca.
After objecting to her supervisors, Alyssa
was assigned to supervise Iraqi guards. However,
there, too, Williams experienced cognitive dissonance
as she was repeatedly counseled not to reveal
that she spoke or even understood Arabic. The
altruistic Peterson became noticeably silent
and withdrawn; however, she was not placed on
suicide watch. During this period, Peterson’s
unit was required to attend mandatory combat
stress and suicide prevention training. In her
final note, Peterson suggested it was ironic
that the training she received for suicide prevention
would provide her with the information she needed
to take her own life.
Prior to entering the Army, Peterson had earned
a Bachelor of Science in psychology and had
attended the Flagstaff Institute of Religion,
a theological training institute for Mormons.
Her professors offer, while there, Williams
appeared to be a highly intelligent person who
frequently questioned life in relationship to
religion. In the 1998, after completing three
years of undergraduate course work, Peterson,
then 21, insisted on performing missionary work
for 18 months in the Netherlands. In the process,
Peterson mastered Dutch. Simultaneously, Peterson
cared for the grandparents of Sergeant First
Class Denis Colbert of Fort Huachuca, Arizona.
Colbert offered that Peterson questioned him
at length about questions about the life in
the Army, and the duties of an Army linguist.
Alyssa returned to Flagstaff in 2000 to complete
her final year at Northern Arizona University.
In 2001, Colbert was surprised to see Peterson
sitting in one of his interrogator instruction
classes at Fort Huachuca. Following graduation,
Peterson volunteered to exchange assignments
a fellow soldier who did not want to go to Iraq.
On the Fallen Heroes message board
on the Internet, fellow service members who
knew Alyssa offer that she was “an inspiration.”
During the 16-month course of instruction to
learn Arabic, she persevered through persevered
through setbacks, discouragements, and disappointments.
Some suggest the most memorable and inspirational
component of Alyssa's character was her faith
in God.
Fellow soldiers acquainted with Alyssa in
Iraq (U.S. Army, 2003) suggest she had a difficult
time separating her personal feelings and beliefs,
from her professional duties. It is clearly
impossible at this point to obtain a personality
profile, such as the NEO-PI-R. However, by the
accounts of those soldiers who knew Peterson,
she would have been expected to score highly
on the Openness, Agreeableness and Conscientiousness
scales; especially warmth, positive-emotions,
aesthetics, feelings, ideas, values, trust,
altruism, modesty, tender-mindedness, competence,
order, dutifulness, achievement striving, self-discipline,
and deliberation, by the accounts given by those
who knew her. Peterson’s experiences in
Iraq would be contrary to her established morals,
ethics, and values, which might be expected
to result in anxiety, stress, and depression.
Ultimately, cognitive dissonance proved greater
that her biopsychosocial resources.
Lynndie England
Specialist Lynndie England served in the 372nd
Military Police Company and has become arguably
the most infamous of the Army reservists convicted
of abusing prisoners at Abu Ghraib. Her notoriety
demonstrates well the significance of gender
role when women are evaluated in a male-dominated
environment or vice-versa. England, born on
November 8, 1982 in Ashland, Kentucky, was found
guilty of inflicting sexual, physical, and psychological
abuse on Iraqi prisoners of war and became the
poster child of the Abu Ghraib scandal by posing
for a photograph while holding a leash attached
to the neck of naked Iraqi. On September 26,
2005, England was convicted of one count of
conspiracy, four counts of maltreating detainees
and one count of committing an indecent act.
She was acquitted on a second count of conspiracy.
England was sentenced to three years for her
crimes and given a dishonorable discharge. She
is now serving at the Naval Consolidated Brig
Miramar in San Diego.
The daughter of a railroad worker, Lynndie
England grew up in a trailer on a dirt road
behind a saloon and near a sheep farm in Fort
Ashby, West Virginia, a small town approximately
13 miles south of Cumberland. In school, the
diminutive England was known for wearing camouflage
fatigues and combat boots. After graduating
from Frankfort High School in 2001, she worked
as a cashier in an IGA grocery store and later
at a Pilgrim’s Pride chicken processing
factory. However, England quit Pilgrim’s
Pride in protest of ethics and code violations.
To broaden her horizons, England joined the
Army Reserves at age 17 in 2001. In 2002, England
married a fellow IGA coworker. While at Fort
Lee, England met fellow reservist Specialist
Charles Graner, 15 years her senior. During
her Court-Martial, the defense described England
as a quiet girl, not knowing anyone at the Reserve
Center before meeting Graner, who was gregarious
and assertive. The shy England finally felt
as though someone was paying attention to her.
Smitten, England divorced her first husband
and became engaged to Graner.
England’s mother offers that her first
impressions of Graner were filled with concern
regarding his arrogance and foul attitude. She
suggests her daughter was totally dominated
by him and she dutifully complied with all of
his commands regardless how perverted of demeaning.
She also offers that Graner was obsessed with
capturing each of these events on film, which
would lead to the downfall of himself and others.
In June 2003, a group of about 20 soldiers,
including England and Graner, were sent to Iraq.
During a period of intense insurgent activity
in October 2003, the unit was sent to Abu Ghraib.
During the day, snipers took aim at the guards.
At night, insurgents launched mortar attacks.
The guards, unable to communicate with the prisoners,
were confronted by defiant acts and chanting.
Not assigned to Tier 1A, England’s defense
counsel argued she would frequently visit the
area to visit Graner for support, during which
he would induce her to participate in the acts
photographed. During the course of the deployment,
England became pregnant with Graner’s
child. After the news broke regarding the Abu
Ghraib abuse, she was returned to Fort Bragg,
North Carolina, five months pregnant.
During England’s court martial, the
prosecution described Lynndie as exhilarated
with the abusive behavior. However, a psychologist
for the defense described her as being overly
compliant. The defense suggested she was a fearful
small-town girl who found herself in a place
surrounded by violence and infatuated with a
volatile, manipulative sociopath who she relied
on as her protector. England repeatedly argued
that she was instructed by persons in higher
ranks to commit the acts of abuse for pschological
reasons. The defense offered during the court
martial that England, too, felt confused when
the chain of command approved the abusive actions.
Lynndie England embodies the complexity and
multiplicity of psychological contracts. Exploited
by Graner prior to deployment, male dominance
became the norm by which England formed her
psychological contract. In a threatening male-dominant
environment, surrounded by Arabic males with
whom she could not communicate, but had been
advised were the worst criminals in Iraq, England
embodies the very essence of the study of gang
psychology (Brehm, Kassin, & Fein, 2005),
in which members relinquish individual schemas
in favor of group schemas to increase the probability
of survival. In the biopsychosocial context,
adoption of group schema occurs with a high
degree of automaticity to reduce cognitive dissonance
and stress.
Conclusions
The psychological contract appears to operate
as a biopsychosocial set point, in
which a person operates on a continuum from
elation to depression dependent upon how he
or she sees, thinks, feels, and reacts to his
or her situation. The prevailing assertion is
that, over the long-term, individuals tend to
seek equilibrium -- a natural state of wellbeing.
However, short-term wellbeing is largely the
response to environmental influences. In analysis
of two large-scale studies, Lucas (2007) found
emotional equilibrium is greatly affected by
life’s stressful challenges. Lucas (2007)
suggests the degree to which people return to
equilibrium, and the time required to return
to equilibrium is greatly influenced by the
significant event itself. For example, the average
time required to return to relative equilibrium
because of a death of a loved one is seven years.
However, divorce and loss of employment often
leave a person permanently scarred. It is suggested,
the reason for the disparity in extent and time
is because of the individual’s perceived
external locus of control over the outcome of
the event, loss of self-esteem (i.e., inability
to meet and maintain perceived expectations),
and perception of psychological betrayal (both
of himself, herself and others involved).
Lucas (2007) suggests the results of two large-scale
studies suggest, “Although happiness levels
are moderately stable over time, this stability
does not preclude large and lasting changes.”
Further, Lucas (2007) suggests, “happiness
levels do change, adaptation is not inevitable,
and life events do matter.” A person confronted
by violations of his or her psychological contract
either reframes his or her perceptions, adjusts
his or her expectations, changes his or her
schemas and mental model, or remains inextricably
mired in misery (Diener, Lucas, & Scollon,
2006; Young, 1990, 1999). The influence of psychological
contract violation is evident in the cases of
Kayla Williams, Alyssa Peterson, and Lynndie
England.
Future Directions
Sophisticated methodologies should be developed
to assess how psychological contract influences
adaptation to an exigent male-oriented environment
to develop a clear gender-specific picture of
the psychological contracts and the violations
to which people can and cannot adapt. Lucas
(2007) suggests adaptation might be physiological
and psychological. Physiological adaptation
might be to reduce the psycho-emotional response
to the offending stimulus or stimuli. Psychological
response might be to reframe the perspective
of events that have one’s life. It is
suggested, however, that adaptation might be
physiological, psychological, or sociological
or a combination of all three realms; this redefining
the nature of one’s relationship to others
as a means of adaptation. Future research should
then strive for greater understanding of the
processes that underlie hedonic adaptation of
the psychological contract as a venue to more
adaptive coping strategies.
Finally, researchers and clinicians (Young,
1990, 1999; Scaer, 2005) have found that, consistent
with the perception of reality, coping strategies
are individual specific and rely greatly upon
the individually assigned support system. To
the extent of a person’s perception of
locus of control, he or she relies upon the
support and assistance of others. The empirical
data resulting for the previous recommendations
should lead to a Department of Defense (DOD)-sponsored
effort to proactively amplify adaptive thoughts,
feelings, and behavior and attenuate factors
found to be foundational to maladaptive psychological
contracts, thereby fostering adaptive coping
strategies.
Suggested Assessment
Methodologies
Psychological contracts are conceptualized
to be beliefs people hold regarding the terms
and conditions of the exchange agreement between
himself or herself and the organization (Rousseau,
1989, 1995; Millward & Brewerton, 2000;
Shore & Tetrick, 1994). Thus, the psychological
contract is a highly individualized perception
of the verbal promises made between a person
and the organization for which he or she is
accountable. Robinson and Morrison (2000) conceptualize
a five-question instrument to operationalize
psychological contract breach. Representative
statements of potential concern are: “Almost
all of the promises by my employer during recruitment
have been kept so far”, “So far,
my employer has done an excellent job of fulfilling
its promises made to me”, “I feel
betrayed by my organization”, “I
feel that my organization has violated the contract
between us”, and “I feel extremely
frustrated by how I have been treated by my
organization.” The participant responds
using a seven-point Likert-like scale from “Strongly
agree” to “Strongly disagree.”
As a point of entry, researchers (Rousseau,
1989, 1995; DeVos, Buyens, & Schalk, 2003)
argue the psychological contract provides a
point of debarkation for people to actively
interpret new experiences, form expectations,
and make predictions or prognostications. Alterations
in the psychological contract at specific points
along the continuum from entry to a point six-months
to a year from entry (Rousseau, 1989, 1995).
Rousseau (1989, 1995) suggests this initial
period of organizational entry and socialization
is characterized by sense-making, in which the
person comes to interpret, understand, and respond
to his or her new employment environment. DeVos
et al. (2003) suggests the sense-making process
is critical to the development of attitudes
and behaviors (Bauer, Morrison, & Callister,
1998; Morrison, 1993a, 1993b; Saks & Ashforth,
2000). The importance of sense-making is directly
correlated to the degree of uncertainty. During
the socialization period, knowledge gained from
experience results in contract and expectation
revisions (Rousseau, 1989, 1995, 2001; Shore
& Tetrick, 1994).
DeVos et al. (2005) suggests the divergence
of experiences versus expectations might even
reach a level of reality shock; during
which, strategic coping strategies assume greater
importance to accommodate the cognitive dissonance
associated with the divergence between perceived
promises, expectations, and interpretation of
new experiences. The outcome of the sense-making
period, then, helps a person align his or her
expectations in line with reality, which, in
turn, potentially reduces feelings of broken
promises and unmet expectations. The process
of psychological contract revision is, then,
analogous to the schematic processes of accretation,
tuning, and restructuring.
Thomas and Anderson (1998) found British recruits
increased expectations of job security, social
and leisure time, effect on the family and accommodation
within eight weeks of entry into the military.
Rousseau (1995, 2001) and DeVos et al. (2005)
argue the person undergoes a process of schematic
revision six months to a year from the point
of entry. Therefore, the points of survey should
be: (a) immediately prior to deployment; (b)
eight to twelve weeks following deployment commencement,
and; (c) upon return from deployment, which
should optimally be 12 months after commencement
of deployment.
In a longitudinal study investigating the
development of psychological contract breach
and violation, Robinson and Morrison (2000)
put forth 11 hypotheses. Of these, five were
supported and are considered salient to understanding
psychological contract breach and violation
in the military context, including: (a) Perceived
contract breach will be more likely to the extent
the organization’s performance has declined
or fallen short of the person’s expectations;
(b) Perceived contract breach will be less likely
to the extent the employee experienced a formalized
socialization process; (c) Perceived contract
breach will be less likely to the extent the
employee interacted with representatives of
the organization prior to being hired; (d) Perceived
contract breach will be more likely to the extent
that the employee has a history of perceived
contract breach in past relationships, and;
(e) Perceived contract breach will be more likely
to the extent that the employee had employment
alternatives at the time of hire.
Variables of interest would include gender,
age, and number of previous deployments, personality
traits, prior trauma, guilt, and locus of control.
Additional research might include PTSD assessment
to correlate psychological contract violation,
betrayal trauma, and PTSD.
References
Adame, D.A., Johnson, T.C.,
& Cole, S.P. (1989). Physical fitness, body
image, and locus of control in college freshman
men and women. Perceptual and Motor Skills,
68, 400-402.
Anderson, V.L. (1993). Gender differences in
altruism among Holocaust resuers. Journal of
Social Behavior & Personality, 8, 43-58.
Archer, S.L., & Waterman, A.S. (1988). Psychological
individuation: Gender differences or gender
neutrality? Human Development, 31, 65-81.
Argyris, C. (1960). Understanding organizational
behavior. Homewood, Illinois: Dorsey Press.
Bauer, T.N., Morrison, E.W., & Callister,
R.R. (1998). Organizational socialization: A
review and directions for future research. Research
in Personnel and Human Resource Management,
16, 149-214.
Beilin, H. (1992). Piaget's enduring contribution
to developmental psychology. Developmental Psychology,
28, 191-204.
Belansky, E.S., & Boggiano, AK. (1994).
Predicting helping behaviors: The role of gender
and instrumental/expressive self-schema. Sex
Roles, 30, 647-661.
Bielby, W.T. & Baron, J.N. (1986). Men and
women at work: Sex segregation and statistical
discrimination. American Journal of Sociology,
91, 759-799.
Brehm, S.S., Kassin, S., & Fein, S. (2005).
Social psychology (6th ed.). Boston: Houghton-Mifflin.
Cairns, E., McWhirter, L., Duffy, U., &
Barry, R. (1990). The stability of self-concept
in late adolescence: Gender and situational
effects. Personality and Individual Differences,
11, 937-944.
Chubb, N., Fertman, C., & Ross, J. (1997).
Adolescent self-esteem and locus of control:
a longitudinal study of gender differences.
Adolescence. 32(125), 113-129.
Cornell Law School (n.d.). Contracts. Retrieved
April 13, 2007 from http://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/index.php/Contracts.
Curlin, F.A., Sellergren, S.A., Lantos, J.D.,
& Chin, M.H. (2007). Physicians' observations
and interpretations of the influence of religion
and spirituality on health. Archives of Internal
Medicine, 167, 649-654.
Diener, E., Lucas, R.E., & Scollon, C. (2006).
Beyond the hedonic treadmill: Revising the adaptation
theory of well being. American Psychologist,
61, 305–314.
Dellas, M., & Jernigan, L.P. (1987). Occupational
identity status development, gender comparisons,
and internal-external control in first-year
Air Force cadets. Journal of Youth and Adolescence,
16, 587-600.
DeVos, A., Buyens, D., & Schalk, R. (2003).
Psychological contract development duirng organizational
socialization: Adaption to reality and the role
of reciprocity. Journal of Organizational Behavior,
24, 537-559.
Eagly, A., & Wood, W. (1991). Explaining
sex differences in social behavior: A meta-analytic
perspective. Personality and Social Psychology
Bulletin, 17, 306-315.
Erikson, E.H. (1950). Childhood and society.
New York: Norton.
Erikson, E.H. (1964). Insight and responsibility.
New York: Norton.
Erikson, E.H. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis.
New York: Norton.
Erikson, E.H. (1974). Dimensions of a new identity.
New York: Norton.
Festinger, L. (1957). A theory of cognitive
dissonance. Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press.
Festinger, L., & Carlsmith, J.M. (1959).
Cognitive consequences of forced compliance.
Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 58,
203-211.
Freeman, S. (2002). Biological science. New
York: Prentice Hall.
Gilbert, L.A. (1992). Gender and counseling
psychology: Current knowledge and directions
for research and social action. In S.D. Brown
& R.W. Lent (Eds.), Handbook of Counseling
Psychology (pp. 383-416). New York: Wiley.
Griffore, R.J., Kallen, D.J., Popovich, S.,
& Powell, V. (1990). Gender differences
in correlates of college students' self-esteem.
College Student Journal, 24, 287-291.
Hall, G,M. & Salmon, P. (2002). Physiological
and psychological influences on postoperative
fatigue. Anesthesia & Analgesia, 95, 1446-1450.
Harter, S. (1990). Identity and self-development.
In S. Feldman & G. Elliott (Eds.), At the
threshold: The developing adolescent (pp. 352-387).
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Hattie, J.A., Myers, J.E., & Sweeney, T.J.
(2004). A factor structure of wellness: Theory,
assessment, analysis and practice. Journal of
Counseling and Development, 82, 354-364.
Heck, G., Schweitzer, J., & Seidel-Wiesel,
M. (2004). Psychological effects of living related
kidney transplantation - risks and chances.
Clinical Transplantation 18(6), 716–721.
Karpinski. J. (2005). One woman’s Army.
New York: Miramax.
Kidder, D.L., & Parks, J.L. (2001). The
good soldier: Who is s(he)?. Journal of Organizational
Behavior, 22, 939-959.
Kunz-Ebrecht, S., Kirschbaum, C., & Steptoe,
A. (2004). Work stress, socioeconomic status,
and neuroendocrine activation over the working
day. Social Science and Medicine, 58, 1523 -
1530.
Lucas, R.E. (In press). Adaptation and the set-point
model of subjective well being: does happiness
change after major life events? Current Directions
in Psychological Science, 16(2).
Markus, H. (1977). Self-schemata and processing
information about the self. Journal of Personality
and Social Psychology, 35, 63-78.
McCarthy, M. (1991) Discourse Analysis for Language
Teachers. Cambridge: CUP.
McCarthy, M. & Carter, R. (1994) Language
as Discourse: Perspectives for Language Teaching.
London: Longman.
Millward, L.J., & Brewerton, P. (2000).
The Psychological contract: Employment relations
in the 21st century. In C. Cooper, & I Robertson
(Eds.), International Review of Industrial &
Organizational Psychology, 15, 1-62.
Morrison, E.W. (1993a). Newcomer information
seeking: Exploring types, modes, sources, and
outcomes. Academy of Management Journal. 36,
557-589.
.Morrison, E.W. (1993b). Longitudinal study
of the effects of information seeking on newcomer
socialization. Journal of Applied Psychology.
78, 173-183.
Nabkasorn, C., Miyai, N., Sootmongkol, A., Junprasert,
S., Yamamoto, H., Arita, M., & Miyashita,
K. (2006). Effects of physical exercise on depression,
neuroendocrine stress hormones and physiological
fitness in adolescent females with depressive
symptoms. The European Journal of Public Health,
16(2), 179-184.
Nohria, N., Lawrence, P., & Wilson, E. (2001).
Driven: How human nature shapes our choices.
San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Padgett, D.A., & Glaser, R. (2003). How
stress influences the immune response. Trends
in Immunology. 24(8), 444-448.
Pervin, L.A., Cervone, D., & John, O.P.
(2005). Personality: Theory and research (9th
ed.). New York: John Wiley & Sons.
Piaget, J. (1965). The moral judgment of a child
(Transcribed by M. Gabain). New York: Free Press.
Piaget, J. (1977). The essential Piaget. New
York: Basic Books.
Piaget, J. (1983). Piaget's theory. In P. Mussen
(ed), Handbook of Child Psychology. 4th edition.
Vol. 1. New York: Wiley.
Pilisuk, M., Montgomery, M. B., Parks, S. H.,
& Acredolo, C. (1993). Locus of control,
life stress, and social networks: gender difference
in the health status of the elderly. Sex Roles,
28, 147-166.
Pinker, S. (2002). The blank slate: The modern
denial of human nature. New York: Viking Penguin.
Public Health Service (n.d.). Mental Health:
A report of the Surgeon General. Retrieved April
11, 2007 from http://www.surgeongeneral.gov/library/mentalhealth/chapter4/sec1.html.
Robinson, S.L., Kratz, M.S., & Rousseau,
D.M. (1992). Changing obligations and the psychological
contract: a longitudinal study. Academy of Management
Journal, 37, 137-52.
Robinson, S.L. & Morrison, E.W. (1995).
Psychological contracts and OCB: The effect
of unfulfilled obligations on civic virtue behavior.
Journal of Organizational Behavior, 16, pp.
289-298.
Robinson, S.L., & Morrison, E.W. (2000).
The development of psychological contract breach
and violation: A longitudinal study. Journal
of Organizational Behavior, 21, 525-546.
Robinson, S.L, & Rousseau, D.M. (1994).
Breaching the psychological contract: Not the
exception but the norm. Journal of Organizational
Behavior, 15, 245-259.
Rosenberg, M. (1985). Self-concept and psychological
well-being in adolescence. In R. L. Leahy (Ed.),
The development of the self (pp. 205-246.).
Orlando, FL: The Academic Press.
Rousseau, D.M. (1989). New hire perspectives
of their own and their employer’s obligations:
A study of psychological contracts, in Journal
of Organisational Behaviour, 11, pp. 389-400.
Rousseau, D.M. (1995). Psychological contracts
in organizations: Understanding written and
unwritten agreements. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Publications.
Rousseau, D. M. (1996a). Changing the deal while
keeping the people. Academy of Management Executive,
10, 50-61.
Rousseau, D.M. (1996b). Boundaryless Careers:
A New Employment Principle for the New Organizational
Era. New York: Oxford University Press.
Rousseau, D.M. (2001). Schema, promise and mutuality:
The building blocks of the psychological contract.
Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology,
74, 511-541.
Rousseau, D.M., & Tijoriwala, S.A. (1998).
Assessing psychological contracts: Issues, alternatives
and measures. Journal of Organizational Behavior,
19, 679.
Saks, A.M., & Ashforth, M.E. (2000). The
role of dispositions, entry stressors, and behavioral
plasticity theory in predicting newcomers' adjustment
to work. Journal of Organizational Behavior,
21, 43-62.
Sels, L., Janssens, M., & Van den Brande,
I. (2004). Assessing the nature of psychological
contracts: a validation of six dimensions. Journal
of Organizational Behavior, 25(4), 461-488.
Seymour, E., & Busherhof, J. (1991). Sources
and consequences of satisfaction and dissatisfaction
in nursing: Findings from a national sample.
Journal of Nursing Studies, 28, 109-124.
Scaer, R.C. (2005). The trauma spectrum: Hidden
wounds and human resiliency. New York: W.W.
Norton.
Seymour, E., & Buscherhof, J.R. (1991).
Sources and consequences of satisfaction and
dissatisfaction in nursing: Findings from a
national sample. International Journal of Nursing
Studies, 28(2), 109-124.
Shore, L., & Tetrick, L.E. (1994). The psychological
contract as an explanatory framework in the
employment relationship. In C.L. Cooper &
D.M. Rousseau (Eds.), Trends in Organizational
Behavior, 1, 91-99.
Steiner, M., & Neuman, M. (1978). Traumatic
neurosis and social support in Yom Kippur War
returnees. Paper presented at the 2nd International
Conference of on Psychological Stress and Adjustment
in the Time of Peace and War, Jerusalem, Israel,
June 19-23.
Strickland, B.R. (1989). Internal-external control
expectancies: From contingency to creativity.
American Psychology, 4, 1-2.
Talbott, S.M., & Kraemer, W. (2002). The
Cortisol Connection: Why Stress Makes You Fat
and Ruins Your Health - And What You Can Do
About It. Alameda, CA: Hunter House Publishers.
Tansey, T.N., Mizelle, N., Ferrin, J.M., Tschopp,
M.K., & Frain, M. (2004). Work-related stress
and the demand-control-support framework: Implications
for the P X E fit model. Journal of Rehabilitation,
70(3), 34-41.
Thomas, H.D.C., & Anderson, N. (1999). Changes
in newcomers' psychological contracts during
organizational socialization: a study of recruits
entering the British Army. Journal of Organizational
Behavior, 19(S1), 745-767.
U.S. Army (2003). Report of proceedings by Investigating
Officer/Board of Officers. Fort Campbell, KY:
Author.
van der Kolk, B.A., McFarlane, A.C., & Weisaeth,
L. (1996). Traumatic stress: The effects of
overwhelming experience on mind, body, and society.
New York: Guilford Press.
Wahba, M.A., & Bridwell, L.G. (1976). Maslow
reconsidered: A review of research on the need
hierarchy theory. Organizational Behavior and
Human Performance, 15, 212–40.
Williams, K. (2005). Love my rifle more than
you. New York: Norton.
Williams, K.Y., & Reilly, C.A. III (1998).
Demography and diversity in organizations: A
review of 40 years of research. In B.M. Staw
& L.L. Cummings (Eds), Research in organizational
behavior. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press.
Young, J.E. (1990). Cognitive therapy for personality
disorders: A schema-focused approach. Sarasota,
FL: Professional Resource Press.
Young J.E. (1994) Cognitive therapy for personality
disorders: A schema-focused approach (2nd ed).
Sarasota, FL: Professional Resource Press.
Young, J.E. (1999). Cognitive therapy for personality
disorders: A Schema-Focused Approach (3rd ed.)
Sarasota, FL: Professional Resource Press.
Young, J.E., & Klosko, J.S. (1994) Reinventing
your life. New. York: Penguin Group.
Young, J.E., Klosko, J.S., & Weishaar, M.E.
(2003). Schema therapy: A practitioner’s
guide. New York: Guilford Press.
Please visit this page again. More articles
will appear here shortly.
|
